By Carlos Ramirez

At first glance, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) is the clear winner of Mexico's July 1 presidential election. But a closer look at the results reveals a more muddled picture. On the surface, the PRI certainly came out ahead: After 12 years in opposition, Mexico's once-hegemonic power reclaimed the presidency and engineered a strong congressional coalition. Also, when Enrique Pena Nieto is inaugurated on December 1, the party will have governors in place in 22 states and control of a majority of state legislatures. Meanwhile, the PRI's main rival, the currently ruling National Action Party (PAN), fielded a third-place presidential candidate, lost control of the key states of Jalisco and Morelos, and saw itself reduced to the third-largest party in the lower house of congress.

The PRI's pick-ups and the PAN's failure to retain the presidency were largely predicted in the weeks preceding the election. What came as a surprise was Pena Nieto's inability to reach the critical 42 percent threshold of total votes, which translated into a weaker performance for the PRI in the congressional races. The party failed to achieve working majorities in both chambers, and the outcome fell far short of the PRI's expectations-especially in the senate, whose members are elected every six years. So in a dramatic turn of events, Pena Nieto will assume the presidency but will have to depend on legislative support from the PAN to secure his agenda.

The electoral outcome has damaged the center-right PAN, but it does have this one lifeline. As a pivotal party in congress, it will be the only powerbroker with which the PRI will be able to negotiate structural reforms. This is the inverse result of the 2006 election, which may provide some consolation to PANistas who watched the policies of outgoing president Felipe Calderon repeatedly held up by the PRI over the past six years. This time, it is the PRI that will be tied to the PAN for the entirety of the Pena Nieto administration.

This ironic turn of events clearly was not part of the PRI's plan. Pena Nieto intended, after winning by a double-digit margin and capturing both chambers, to propose moving forward on many long-stalled reforms, to secure congressional approval with or without PAN support, and to avoid having to undermine the vested interests that make up his constituency. The goal was to demonstrate the PRI's effectiveness from the outset and achieve solid results. The Mexican public, in turn, would see 12 long years of obstructionism and stalled reforms quickly vanish. But that plan collapsed last weekend.

So why, exactly, is the outcome so bad for the PRI? From a business perspective, it seems reasonable that the PRI and the PAN would come together to enact needed reforms. According to Pena Nieto and his advisers, the PRI is pursuing the same reforms that the PAN tried (and failed) to pass during the Vicente Fox (2000-2006) and Calderon (2006-2012) administrations: fundamental changes in the areas of labor, fiscal policy, energy, and competition. The PAN has no deep-seated ideological opposition to any of these (unlike the other major party, the Democratic Revolution Party, or PRD). And it does not have strong ties to the groups with an interest in maintaining the status quo. Conventional wisdom, therefore, would say that Pena Nieto will find a way to get the PAN on board to pass the relevant legislation.

It is not that simple, however. If the PAN learns from its historic defeat, it will quickly come to terms with the fact that it now has a golden opportunity over the next six years to push for a much deeper transformation of Mexico's political and economic landscape. In particular, the PAN can offer support for the PRI's structural reforms in exchange for dismantling the vestiges of the old PRI-led corporatist coalition that survived Mexico's transition to democracy. (The PAN struggled against this coalition during its 12 years in the presidential residence.)

Accomplishing such a feat is a pretty straight-forward task, as there is no shortage of issues on which the PAN can seek concessions in exchange for supporting reforms. The list is large -- underscoring the many problems left untouched during the past dozen years-but certainly achievable. Here are some of the topics that could be up for negotiation:

• Changes to the political regime: Allowing legislators and municipal presidents to be reelected, instituting a second round in presidential elections;
• Improved governance: Reforming Mexico's dysfunctional federalist arrangement, seeking to reduce the power of unions in the education system and within the public sector-bureaucrats, oil company Pemex, and the Social Security Institute, for instance-by mandating transparency and democracy within them;
• Macroeconomic reforms: Limiting the capacity of governors to go into debt and making them more accountable for expenditures, forcing state governors to keep transparent fiscal accounts, reforming Mexico's various broken pension systems;
• Changes to the energy sector: Allowing risk-sharing contracts in the oil sector and preparing Pemex for a future stock float, opening the refining and petrochemical sectors; and
• Enhancing competition: Strengthening the power of the regulatory agencies including the Federal Commission of Telecommunications and the Banking Commission.

There is no question that the PAN will support these structural improvements. After all, the party's only chance of returning to power relatively quickly is if Mexico breaks with its corporatist past and modernizes at a faster pace. The real question is whether Pena Nieto is serious about enacting real change-serious enough that he is willing to defy the rent-seeking coalition that backs him. If he is truly committed to advancing reforms (and is ready for the epic, vociferous resistance sure to emanate both from within his own party and from the PRD), then Pena Nieto might succeed in becoming the first president to usher in a historic transformation. In that scenario, the country will have undergone unprecedented economic reforms during his administration and will function in 2018 within a renovated institutional framework that empowers Mexicans to reach their real potential. If, however, Pena Nieto is not committed enough -- if he ends up preferring accommodation rather than transformation, and if the dead weight of the PRI's past prevails once again -- then Mexico will remain condemned to the same mediocre performance witnessed over the past decade.

The stakes for Pena Nieto are clear. Will Mexico's new president be transformational, or will he prefer to continue playing the role of a soap-opera actor? Like Mexico's famed telenovelas, the election had a surprise ending.

Carlos Ramirez is an analyst in Eurasia Group's Latin America practice.

By Carlos Ramírez and Allyson Benton

The ruling National Action Party's (PAN) Josefina Vázquez Mota won the internal party presidential primary on 5 February, easily defeating former finance secretary Ernesto Cordero by about 15 percentage points. This is the first time that a mainstream political party in Mexico has selected a female candidate for president. Although surprising for some outside observers, the news was not unexpected for those watching PAN politics over the past year. A variety of opinion polls had consistently shown that Vázquez Mota's service as Secretary of Social Development, Secretary of Education, and most recently as PAN legislator and lower chamber party whip had raised her name recognition and popularity well above the other competitors.

Vázquez Mota's selection will raise hopes among some groups that Mexico will elect its first female president. However, the incumbent PAN faces several challenges from its main rival, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), and its candidate, the telegenic Enrique Peña Nieto. A recent poll by Consulta Mitofsky reflects the uphill battle she faces: Peña Nieto commands 40 percent support to Vázquez Mota's 24 percent, with the left-leaning Andrés Manuel López Obrador from the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) only four points behind her; 17 percent of voters expressed no preference and 1 percent supported another small party. Although the PAN will see increased support after having finally named a candidate and the start of formal campaigning at the end of March, the party and its first ever female candidate face three critical challenges.

The PAN has held the presidency since 2000. Any incumbent party, especially a two-term one, needs a highly favorable economic environment to counteract the erosion of support that accompanies voters' increasing familiarity with the government in power. The PAN successfully navigated the 2008-2009 global financial and economic crisis and a deep domestic economic recession, but voters may find it difficult to reward a party that has overseen lackluster average yearly per capita GDP growth of 0.5 percent during the two terms. The modest growth expected over the next few months is unlikely to assuage voter concerns.

The deterioration of Mexico's security environment since President Felipe Calderon took office in December 2006 is another potential liability for the PAN. Mounting drug-trafficking-related violence continues to grab headlines, and there is an overwhelming sense that the country is losing the war against the drug traffickers. As a result, the election will be in good part a referendum on Calderon's security strategy, a pillar of which has been the use of armed forces instead of local law enforcement agencies. Although Calderon retains considerable support on this front, a majority of voters support a change in the security strategy, although they are undecided about what the new approach should be.

The PRI candidate meanwhile benefits from several advantages heading into the race. Peña Nieto has successfully staked out a centrist position that appeals to a broader constituency than just the traditional PRI faithful. The strategy appears to be assuaging voter concerns about the potential return to power of the formerly authoritarian party. The PRI also has a structural political advantage given its control of 20 governorships out of 32. Governors have emerged as powerful political figures in Mexico's evolving political landscape and they can marshal significant state-level resources to assist in campaigns.

Despite these challenges, Vázquez Mota is likely to be a competitive candidate this July. She has strong national-level name recognition and likely counts on solid support from the PAN's traditional constituents in the middle classes and the business community. Additionally, her status as the first female candidate from a mainstream party could help her attract independents (about one-third of the electorate) and first-time voters. Many swing voters might be reluctant to support the PRI -- despite Peña Nieto's best efforts at convincing voters that it has changed -- or the more radical left-leaning López Obrador. Vázquez Mota's likely strategy is to present herself as representing continuity with popular PAN polices, such as its free-market and pro-investment economic policies and its popular healthcare and housing initiatives -- but as also able to critique the current administration on other fronts, such as security policy, where she will offer improvements.

The PRI remains favored to win the race, but Vázquez Mota's selection has probably made it a much closer race than originally anticipated.

Carlos Ramirez and Allyson Benton are analysts in Eurasia Group's Latin America practice.

By Ian Bremmer and David Gordon

An increasingly ferocious and costly battle with drug cartels will continue to occupy much of the Mexican government's time and resources in 2011. There's a serious risk of more dramatic episodes of violence -- including of higher-profile assassination attempts on government officials, security forces, and business figures.

Since taking office in Dec. 2006, President Felipe Calderon has presided over a startling rise in drug-related murders. The government is gaining ground in the fight against organized crime as the military and federal police generate important arrests, cartel members are killed, and drugs, cash, and arms are seized. The cartels are on the defensive, the government shows no signs of letting up, and coordination between Mexico and the United States on drug and security-related issues has improved dramatically.

But there are negative results, as well. Fragmentation of the leadership of the cartels has only increased the likelihood of deadly conflict within and among these organizations. Surviving traffickers try to ward off municipal and state cooperation with federal security efforts, increasing the likelihood of assassination of local officials. And with steady demand for narcotics in the United States and demand on the rise in Mexico, surviving and new trafficking groups will compete to fill any voids in the drug supply chain left by other groups.

More broadly, the political consensus in Mexico in support of the Calderon administration's tough approach to drug violence is weakening. The security issues were a plus for the president and his National Action Party (PAN) during his first two years in office, but that's no longer the case. This provides the opposition Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which controls a majority of state and municipal governments, with incentives to push back against the federal government's efforts to consolidate weak, inefficient, and compromised municipal police forces.

In 2011, four patterns are likely to surface. First, violence will remain high. Second, the security threat to public officials, especially at the local level, will increase. Random acts against domestic and foreign businesses and even U.S. government assets, while a lesser concern, will also present risks. Third, the violence will remain largely concentrated along Mexico's northern border and in west coast states. Finally, ongoing Mexican and U.S. efforts against the cartels, especially in the border region, will make transportation to the United States increasingly difficult. As a result, traffickers will seek to develop local distribution networks. This will keep violence high in large, wealthier cities like Guadalajara and Mexico City, and increase cartel activity in tourist destinations like Acapulco and Cancun.

In the medium to long term, the Mexican government's counter-narcotics strategy -- mixing police and military operations with institutional reforms -- will yield more progress. But in the meantime, we're likely to see a lot more violence in 2011. The downside impact on Mexico's economy, particularly on the tourism sector, will continue.

On Friday, we'll discuss our final Top Risk for this year -- the risk that a wave of money flooding into emerging markets will include bad bets on a half dozen countries where investor confidence may well be misplaced.

Ian Bremmer is president of Eurasia Group. David Gordon is the firm's head of research.

By Eurasia Group analysts Allyson Benton and Patrick Esteruelas

As the Mexican government continues to face serious public security problems caused by the nation's drug cartels, fears are mounting that investors may lose confidence. In Mexico's current economic climate, where GDP could contract by as much as 8 percent in 2009, according to the OECD, any potential downward pressure on the economy sets off alarm bells.

Since he took office in 2006, President Felipe Calderon has pursued a twofold strategy against organized crime. The government has deployed the military to key drug trafficking regions in the north and along the west coast to root out cartels. It has also pushed important institutional reforms through congress to help make the country's police forces and judicial system more efficient. Nonetheless, the level of narcotrafficking violence has grown nearly threefold during Calderon's time in office, from an average of 2,195 deaths in 2006 and 2007 to an estimated 6,000 total deaths expected in 2009. In addition, drug traffickers appear to be moving into other illicit activities like extortion rackets and kidnapping rings, as the number of such reported crimes has risen dramatically in the past two years. These rising public security problems could suggest that Mexico is heading along the same path as Colombia, but there are some important distinctions to consider.

A few factors, in particular, make Mexico's state of affairs quite different from the situation in Colombia. First, the government still maintains control over its territory and has not ceded ground to narcotraffickers at any time. Second, although the fight against the cartels has resulted in higher rates of violence, the hostility remains largely contained in a few states and among narcotraffickers vying for improved positions within the cartels or between them. Third, Mexico's drug trafficking violence on a per capital basis remains significantly lower than Colombia's. Even after years of President Alvaro Uribe's successful hard-line security policy against Colombia's narcotraffickers, violence in this country remains quite high: There were a total of 16,000 reported homicides in 2008 in a country of 45 million people. In Mexico, in contrast, narcotrafficking related violence is expected to cause about 6,000 casualties in 2009, in a country of more than 100 million. Fourth, Mexico's narcotraffickers have not targeted civilians in order to support a campaign of fear against the government, even if they do continue to target public officials specifically involved in the fight against them.

In Colombia, in contrast, the nation's narcotraffickers embarked on a public fear campaign that targeted civilians and political elites, even if they had little to do with narcotrafficking or the fight against it. Finally, and most important, Mexico's narcotraffickers have no unifying political agenda. In contrast, Colombia's narcotraffickers -- in particular, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) -- originated out of a drive to see their left-leaning interests represented in the nation's political and party system, and they still claim to have such political aims. A unifying political agenda, however tenuous, helps reinforce the structural integrity and thus durability of groups when under pressure from the government.

In the end, the stark contrasts between Mexico and Colombia explain why investor confidence in Mexico does not appear to have waned as a result of the country's public security woes. As long as President Calderon stays firm in his stance against organized crime, investors will continue to base their judgments about Mexico on the government's capacity to push through badly needed fiscal and economic reforms rather than the level of narcotrafficking violence.

FERNANDO CASTILLO/AFP/Getty Images