By Nick Consonery

The U.S. and Chinese governments have just wrapped up the third annual Strategic and Economic Dialogue (S&ED) talks, which were a vital opportunity to "tune up" one of the world's most important relationships. With the Chinese delegation now back in Beijing, the United States at least will bill the latest round as a success.

Washington secured a commitment from Beijing that it would follow through on an earlier promise to open up its massive government procurement market. Beijing also gave ground on a few other market-access issues, including in its domestic financial services market. These developments are significant for some companies in some sectors. But despite this progress, the current longer-term outlook for the U.S.-China relationship is muddled at best, and fractious at worst.

There a several areas of concern. The massive trade imbalance that haunts the relationship will not be resolved any time soon, especially given low expectations for meaningful economic change in China over the next few years. Another worry is that commercial relations-which helped smooth over several periods of high tension in the past two decades-will become more fraught, as business competition surges.

In this context, the S&ED talks-while important-are insufficient to ensure that relations stay on a positive trajectory. Sub-national contacts between the two sides must also be expanded more aggressively, in tandem with the S&ED.

Fortunately, both national governments recognize this and are working to bolster sub-national contacts. The leading efforts are the U.S.-China EcoPartnership program (which was expanded during the S&ED), and the newly formed U.S.-China Governor's Forum, which will have its first annual meeting in Salt Lake City, Utah in July this year. Individual U.S. states are also expanding dialogues and connections with China. South Carolina's Department of Commerce, for example, has a permanent representative office in Shanghai. And just this week Virginia opened its own trade office in Shanghai.

Of course, sub-national contact between the United States and China is not exactly new. As a U.S. government fact sheet, agreed on during Chinese President Hu Jintao's January visit to Washington, points out, eight governors led trade visits to China in 2010, and equivalent Chinese politicians made 100 visits to the United States in the same year.

Admittedly, these moves are driven largely by commercial interests. In particular, U.S. states are angling to get their share of a hoped-for flood of Chinese investment into the United States. But this grass-roots contact will also improve the U.S.-China relationship in a way that no high-level bilateral dialogue could hope to accomplish.

There is still a real risk, however, that politics could get in the way of the relationship-as Dan Rosen and Thilo Hanemann point out in their recent report on China's global investments. That may make it harder for states to capitalize on Chinese commercial interests, and reduce the benefits those investments would carry, such as new job growth. In the end, a more robust network of sub-national personal and business relationships between the United States and China will go a long way towards averting that outcome.

Nick Consonery is an Asia Analyst at Eurasia Group.

MANDEL NGAN/AFP/Getty Images

EXPLORE:EAST ASIA, CHINA
 

MARTY MARTEL

12:15 AM ET

May 13, 2011

China has U. S. by the tail

No matter how one digresses, China has U. S. by the tail.

A consumer market of a billion Chinese was dangled before American businesses when Nixon-Kissinger embraced China to counter Soviet Union in 1972. What a wishful thinking that was!

Now a billion Chinese workers flood not just the U. S. but the world markets with cheap Chinese products.

China has U. S. by the tail - U. S. businesses are hooked to huge profits that cheap Chinese goods generate for them as a walk through any Walmart, Home Depot, Sears or Macy’s filled with cheap Chinese products proves and U. S. federal and state governments are hooked to huge investments that China makes in U. S. treasuries and state securities from the huge trade surpluses generated from the sales of cheap Chinese products.

And it is not just U. S. with which China has humongous trade surplus. Story is the same with EU, India, Japan and many other countries of the world.

And China uses its massive foreign currency reserves piled up from those humongous trade surpluses to keep buying natural resources all around the world, many a financially-troubled companies in the world and government securities from U. S. to Portugal and Greece. China has become a lender of last resort world wide.

Had it not been for that Nixon embrace in 1972, China’s economic progress would have been far more slower with all the US, West European and East Asian markets closed to cheap Chinese products. Had it not been for that Nixon embrace, China’s technological progress would have been far slower in the absence of West’s technology transfers. Had it not been for that Nixon embrace, China’s military progress would have been far slower in the absence of huge forex reserves that China accumulated from the massive exports of cheap Chinese products and China used those forex reserves to acquire latest military technology.

China’s rise to super power status to challenge US is a fitting monument to the much-celebrated foresight of Nixon-Kissinger to embrace China to counter Soviet Union in 1972 just as 9/11 attacks is a fitting monument to the Reagan embrace of Islamic fundamentalists to counter Soviet Union in 1980s Afghanistan.

Little could Mao or Deng have imagined that by wearing a capitalist mask, their followers will beat capitalists at their own game. Lenin used to say that ’capitalists will sell us the ropes with which we will hang them’. With West selling such proverbial ropes in the form of technology transfers, Chinese Communists have proven that Lenin saying quite prophetic.

 

The Call, from Ian Bremmer, uses cutting-edge political science to predict the political future -- and how it will shape the global economy.

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